Emoticons are perhaps the best-known example of these new conventions (see the section on Structure Signals and Strategies in IRC Exchanges below), exploiting visual resources to complement the traditional written and spoken channel.

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“You've got another five seconds,” he told Johnny Rotten and company. Though the band started out as an elaborate Situationist-inspired performance art piece dreamed up by megalomaniac manager Malcolm Mc Laren, they evolved beyond just being a stunt.

Their music was loud, aggressive and gleefully nihilist with lines like “And I wanna be anarchist, I get pissed, destroy!

On the basis of a corpus of e-chat IRC exchanges (approximately 10,000 words in total) between Greek- and English-speaking speakers, this article establishes a typical generic structure for two-party IRC exchanges, by focusing on how participants are oriented towards an ideal schema of phases and acts, as well as on how their interpersonal concerns contribute to the shaping of this schema.

It is found that IRC interlocutors are primarily concerned with establishing contact with each other, while the (ideational) development of topic seems to be a less pressing need.

These questions cannot be answered without a detailed analysis of the specific organization of CMC genres.

In addition, by studying new genres in languages other than English, we will be able to establish which features of the new genres are typical of the medium they exploit and which are accidental or due to language-specific or cultural preferences.As a result, we can safely argue that CMC is a unique discourse type, existing on a continuum between oral conversation and written text (Collot & Belmore, 1996; Foertsch, 1995, p. This view concurs with findings of discourse analysis (e.g., Biber, 1988; Georgakopoulou & Goutsos, 2004) suggesting that the distinction between spoken and written discourse cannot be captured in absolute terms as a rigid dichotomy, but must be seen as a continuum with intermediate points, in which texts can be situated according to their (more or less) prototypical features.At the same time, this emphasis on generic structure should be placed in the context of previous studies such as Cherny (1999), where it is claimed that CMC interactions are more amenable to description in terms of register than genre, i.e., linguistic variation rather than overall text structure.The need for focusing on the structure of CMC genres is indispensable in order to describe them in their own terms rather than in terms of how they differ from other, spoken or written genres, as was the case with earlier research.After some considerable time of familiarization, users of CMC nowadays seem to be, as Baron (1998) puts it, "increasingly relaxed about the technological limitations of the medium" (p. This increasing tolerance of technological limitations allows for the development of new conventions for genres of technologically mediated communication that do not draw from traditional spoken or written resources.A similar concern with the identification of typical segments and boundaries is absent in the field of computer-mediated communication (CMC), mainly because of the concentration of most studies on micro-level or situational features (e.g., Cherny, 1999; Danet et al., 1997; Werry, 1996; Yates, 2001).